History, politics, people of Oly WA

Category: Cluetrain (Page 1 of 10)

Mist and Filter: Reclaim Your Discernment

This week, I want to take a step back from the usual history and politics. Instead, I want to talk about “now.” I mean literally what you are doing in this moment. I want to talk about your discernment. This is about the choices you make regarding what you read or, more broadly, the media you consume.

To that end, thank you for reading this.

I want to acknowledge that most of you are probably reading this on a social media feed. My relationship with these platforms has shifted lately. I started by posting these essays directly into the feed of a platform I used to use for everything. It was my space for social updates, political debate, and personal stories. I shared different things with different circles of friends. Just about a year ago, I stepped away from that space entirely. I hid all my old content and stopped posting for a while. It was only a few months ago that I decided to share these essays there again. They also live on my personal blog and go out as an email newsletter. I’ll come back to that.

I got the core idea for this essay from the second season of a podcast called Hush. It was hosted by Leah Sottile, who is one of the most talented journalists in the Pacific Northwest. If you haven’t listened to it, you really should. The second season investigates the truth behind the death of a young woman in rural Columbia County, Oregon. If you live near me in Washington, this place feels very familiar. It is a lot like Mason, Grays Harbor, or Pacific counties. These are rural areas that are poorer than the I-5 corridor. They don’t have large, suburban towns. Life there is stretched out across long roads lined with commercial timberland. Curiously, these communities are not always supported by timber jobs anymore. The trees are there, but the steady payrolls often aren’t.

The most important part of the series looks at how news moves through these towns. We live in a society that has largely moved past the daily physical newspaper. Several episodes of the podcast discuss how media is changing during this pivot point. We are stuck between the death of the local paper and the rise of what we loosely call social media.

In places like Columbia County, the information landscape feels a lot like the weather. When the local paper fades, it doesn’t leave behind a clear, empty space. It leaves a mist. Information becomes hazy and hard to pin down. You can see the outlines of what’s happening in your town, but the details are blurred by rumors and social media chatter. This mist makes it difficult to know where the solid ground of a fact ends, and the fog of a theory begins. This is the definition problem we’re stuck in: we are trying to navigate a new world using old maps that don’t account for the weather.

The Problem With Definitions

We have a definition problem right now. This is why I don’t trust most polling about where people get their news. A typical poll asks a simple question: “Where do you get your news?” The results usually show that fewer people say “the local newspaper,” while more people say “social media.” This is a shallow way to look at the world. These polls offer almost no context on what “social media” actually means to the person answering.

Think about the variety of that term. Does it mean a well-funded influencer who speaks at political rallies but sues when institutions don’t treat them like a journalist? Does it mean a post from your cousin Ray? Does it mean watching short videos made by a former Washington Post reporter who now works for themselves?

The term “social media” is too blurry. At the same time, the term “newspaper” has become too specific. We need better ways to describe what is happening. We know what newspapers are because we remember what they used to be. As recently as the mid-2000s, if you lived in a medium-sized town and said “the newspaper,” people knew what you meant. You were talking about a well-staffed organization. It had reporters for different topics. It was usually owned by a chain, which meant it had professional human resources and legal standards. It had at least two layers of editors to steady the tiller. There was a business office for ads and subscriptions. Usually, there was an executive who cared enough to go to the Kiwanis or Chamber meetings.

That is not what people mean today. Most of those business functions now live in a different city or state. A local paper might only have three or four reporters left. These people have to cover everything at once. If there is still an editor who lives in the actual town, they are likely overwhelmed. They have no local support to help them make tough calls.

A newspaper used to be an institution. Now, at best, it is a small operation. Those are two very different things. One is an anchor for a community. The other is just a branch of a business trying to stay afloat. They are fighting one small battle in a world war thousands of miles above us.

The Physics of Friction

Social media is just a tool. It is often used poorly by the ghosts of local media companies. However, it is used very effectively by people who want to spread anger or misinformation. Our current media mess is actually rooted in how newspapers started in the United States in the 1800s.

I often talk about the history of the press. Most papers used to be proudly partisan. In its early days, my local paper, The Olympian, called itself a Republican newspaper. The idea of a neutral, non-partisan press supported mostly by ads is a relatively new invention. It feels old because it is what our parents grew up with. They remember it as “the way it always was.” Because of that, we treat the loss of the neutral paper like a lost inheritance. We view it the same way we view walkable downtowns.

We didn’t lose downtowns by accident. We built Walmarts, malls, and massive parking lots to replace them. We leveled parts of our city centers to make room for cars. We wanted people who lived in far-off neighborhoods to be able to drive in and park easily. We chose convenience over community.

We did the same thing to newspapers. As social media platforms grew over the last twenty years, they started eating the ad sales that kept newspapers alive. Eventually, two or three large platforms became the only way for businesses to reach people. This happened so fast that ad buyers didn’t have a choice. Why would a local business struggle to buy a print ad or obscure banner ad when they could just put a digital ad on a platform that targets everyone instantly?

The platforms didn’t just take the revenue. They changed the visibility of our communities. In the old days of the partisan press, you knew exactly where a paper stood. It was bright and clear, even if it was biased. Now, the algorithms have created a digital mist. We see what the system wants us to see, filtered through a logic we aren’t allowed to understand. We’re wandering through this mist of recommended content, losing sight of the local landmarks that used to keep us grounded. We’ve traded the friction of the sidewalk for the phantom images of the feed.

The adtech systems owned by Google might be broken up soon. In April 2025, a federal court ruled that Google holds an illegal monopoly over the technology used for advertising. This case has moved into a high-stakes phase to decide the punishment. The Department of Justice wants Google to sell off parts of its business to make the market fair again. Google says this is too extreme. A judge is expected to make a final decision later in 2026. This will likely lead to years of appeals.

Following this victory, thousands of publishers are now suing for billions of dollars in lost revenue. Late last year, a court made things easier for them. These publishers no longer have to prove Google is a monopoly because the court already decided that. Now they just have to prove how much money they lost.

Even if the publishers win, the results might not help your local town. The money will likely go to the large companies or private equity firms that bought up the papers years ago. They are the ones left holding the bag.

The real goal should be changing the economics of media. The way this information gets paid for is the most important part. When you put all of the attention economy into one giant bucket, you stop caring about the quality of the content. You just want people to keep looking at the screen. Anything that makes it easier to keep scrolling is good for business. Anything that makes you stop and think is bad for business.

The current system is a filter. That filter is designed to boost ad sales. But a local institution is based on friction. Friction, in this case, is local knowledge. It is human-scale.

Jane Jacobs described the importance of the relationships that exist when you can walk down the street to a local store. You might go there to grab some apples. You talk to the person behind the counter. That is a human interaction. It is different from ordering apples online and having a stranger in a car drop them at your door. The walk and the conversation are friction” but they are also what build a community.

The Choice to Look Away

When I looked at the history of the towns in the Hush podcast, I was surprised. I expected to find old partisan newspapers because that is usually the case in the West.

I wanted to write about how we have seen this shift before. I wanted to show how old partisan papers had been the “steamrollers” that destroyed the media landscape that came before them. Eventually, those papers grew up and became responsible to their towns.

But in Columbia County, I found a newspaper that just wanted to be fair. In 1891, the editor of the Oregon Mist wrote a letter to his readers. He said he would give them the best paper his limited budget allowed. He asked the public to help by sending in reports of what was happening in their neighborhoods. He invited people to discuss matters of general interest. But he also said he would reject letters that were “radical and personal” in nature.

Think about that filter. This editor wasn’t an algorithm. He lived in the community. You could see him on the street. You knew where his house was. If you disagreed with him, you knew where to find him. The entire information system was built on a foundation of trust.

Maybe this is why my town, Olympia, used to have several different newspapers at the same time. They served the same people and covered the same news. They just did it at different speeds. People trusted those papers because they knew the people writing them.

As I said, you are probably reading this on a popular platform. I have gotten into the habit of posting on this site again. But it has been a long time since I tried to show my whole life there. I stopped posting about my family. I hid my old photos. I realized that the platform was asking for too much of my personal life in exchange for engagement. I couldn’t do that anymore.

I am posting these essays as an experiment. And since starting, it seems like people enjoy the weekly updates. I am grateful for that. But I am also going to ask you to do something strange.

I want you to stop. Please stop depending on an algorithm to tell you what to read. Use your own mind to decide what content is worth your time. I think you should do two specific things.

First, subscribe to my email newsletter. I will send you what I write every week. I will also include my podcast. You have an email address for a reason. Use it to take control of your reading habits.

Second, you should look into an RSS reader. These are older tools from the earlier days of the internet. They are very simple. They collect content from the websites you choose and show it to you in order, from oldest to newest. I have been using one for over twenty years. It is like a podcast app, but for reading. It allows you to subscribe to a website without giving that site your personal data or letting an algorithm get in the middle.

This is about discernment. We don’t really know what is happening inside the code of these big platforms. I won’t use the word addictive, because I am not a doctor. But I will say that it is not healthy to let a company you don’t know decide what information enters your brain.

Editors used to be the gatekeepers. In a perfect world, you knew the editor. You could judge their work. You could tell them they were wrong. An algorithm is different. It doesn’t exist as a person you can talk to. You can’t hold it accountable for the mistakes it makes.

We need big changes. We need to break up monopolies. We need to make these platforms more transparent. Those are systemic problems. But you can take individual action right now. You can choose to find your news and your essays directly. You can subscribe to a newsletter and never like or comment on a social media post again. That is how you break through the mist and reclaim your own attention.

Brier Dudley is wrong about the news

Brier Dudley’s recent column, “No wonder election results are wacky: Fewer follow the news,” carries significant weight in Washington State. As a leading voice in the movement to fund news organizations, Dudley often frames the boundaries of what policymakers consider possible for future public funding of journalism.

However, his latest diagnosis of our “wacky” election results rests on a fundamental misunderstanding of how voters actually behave and where they are finding their signal in the noise.

Dudley’s thesis is that a lack of news consumption leads to “civic illiteracy” and “wacky” results, such as the election of progressive Katie Wilson as mayor of Seattle. But on his way to create a thesis that builds support for local journalism, he ignores the basic calculus of voting. Voting is an opt-in activity.

In political science, this is called “information efficacy”: the belief that you know enough to make a choice. People who truly feel uninformed don’t typically cast “wacky” ballots; they don’t cast ballots at all. This “voter roll-off” is why local turnout is often a fraction of national turnout. If someone shows up to vote for a “neophyte,” it’s rarely because they are operating in a vacuum. It’s because they have consumed media, be it a TikTok breakdown, a thread on X, or a digital endorsement, that gave them the confidence to act.

The Seattle Blind Spot

Also, if Dudley’s thesis were universally true, Seattle would be a strange place to prove it. He laments the decline of newspapers and TV, yet ignores the vibrant, digital-native ecosystem that currently drives Seattle politics.

While the Seattle Times remains a vital institution, it is not the only game in town. The city continues to fund public television; KUOW is a massive, robust newsroom; and then there is The Stranger. Whether one agrees with its politics or not, The Stranger remains a primary driver of city elections. When “neophytes” win, it is often because they were vetted and promoted by these alternative local outlets. By ignoring these players, Dudley isn’t describing a news desert; he’s describing a landscape where daily newspapers no longer hold the only map.

Olympia and Thurston County are a better example of the news desert that Dudley wants to use. The election results here, though, don’t match the results of his thesis. Rather than “wacky,” we tend to elect local leaders who stand in the deep trough of our local version of centrism. This is because the voters who tend to opt in have the time and inclination to do the extra work to research their choices. This is not an argument for less information. A broad and informed public is obviously a good thing for electing good leaders, but ensuring that once they are elected, they do the right thing.

“Social Media” Doesn’t Mean What You Think It Means

Dudley, like many, uses “social media” as a catch-all for “no news” or “unfounded opinion.” However, by 2025, telling a researcher that you get your news from social media is a meaningless data point. It doesn’t tell us what you are seeing. Are you following KUOW’s journalists on Mastodon? Are you watching live-streamed City Council clips on YouTube? Or are you reading a post from your neighbor on Nextdoor?

Social media is a delivery mechanism, not a source. The problem isn’t that people are “on social media.” The problem is that we have outsourced our civic square to attention-seeking algorithms.

Credibility is Now Built on Engagement

We cannot recreate the 1995 newsroom. The back-and-forth between media and audience has opened up permanently. Today, credibility is built on engagement, not just clicks to a paywalled article, but the actual work of being present where people are.

However, we must admit the anti-democratic force of current algorithms. Most platforms optimize for outrage because outrage pays more. This is fundamentally different from a newspaper’s old role of setting a shared civic agenda. We don’t just need people to come back to paywalled websites; we need a next way that fixes the digital architecture itself.

The Next Way: Digital Public Spaces

What does a pro-democracy digital space look like? It looks like an algorithm that benefits the community by not stoking outrage, and moderation systems that protect people from harm while inviting debate.

A promising example is Roundabout, a new product from the nonprofit New_Public. Roundabout is designed to revive the civic commons role that local newspapers used to play. Unlike Facebook, it is intentionally built against virality. It organizes local information, events, and shared concerns through structured channels and local stewards who guide the conversation.

Instead of a feed designed to keep you scrolling via conflict, Roundabout creates a digital space meant to help neighbors actually know one another and act together. It prioritizes usefulness over headlines and relationships over “likes.”

Looking back at old newsrooms and tsk-tsking candidates for making social media videos isn’t a strategy for the future. We don’t need to save the press of the past; we need to build a digital commons that treats us like neighbors and citizens rather than data points for an outrage machine.

Confusion wins

This is a second blog post reflecting on some of the meta-lessons that came out of local elections in Thurston County this year.

The New York Times recently ran a story about how The Stranger sets the tone in Seattle politics. This is not breaking news for anyone who has watched Seattle politics for the last two decades.

The secret is simple: The Stranger shows up. It is consistently present, consistently relevant, and consistently part of the political conversation.

On a recent episode of The Olympia Standard, campaign consultant Rob Richards talked about the failure of the Workers’ Bill of Rights and how the yes campaign faced an uphill battle from the start. The opposition narrative was already circulating almost a year before the campaign really got rolling. And he’s right. The first public attention the idea got wasn’t from the campaign; it was from a flare-up of misinformation about a possible minimum wage increase more than a year earlier.

The campaign eventually launched with a petition drive last spring, but real messaging didn’t start until August. And in a town with fewer than half a dozen full-time local reporters, what earned media campaign can you realistically run? There simply aren’t enough people covering local government closely or consistently to help counter a false narrative once it takes hold.

We saw this same dynamic in the Regional Fire Authority vote a few years ago. The JOLT, in particular, published a lot of stories leading up to the election that, while not necessarily inaccurate, clearly shaped the public conversation. The RFA election became a turnout election. The precincts that voted “no” were the ones where people just didn’t vote at all. Many voters were confused, caught between the campaigns’ messaging and the churn of coverage and commentary on social media. Faced with confusion, they defaulted to the “safe” choice: not voting or voting no.

I’ve heard some fair criticism that JOLT’s model (reporters overseas watching meetings remotely and writing from the recordings) made it difficult to provide the broader context of why the RFA mattered. That coverage tended to highlight debate and points of disagreement, because that was what stood out in public meetings. Without interviews, on-the-ground sourcing, or deeper reporting, the coverage didn’t really capture the larger picture of why the RFA might be beneficial. That isn’t a slam on the reporters; they were doing the best they could with limited resources and time.

Could the cities or RFA supporters have engaged more with JOLT? Absolutely. But it’s also fair to say that the resulting coverage skewed toward highlighting the questions and the drama, not the underlying case for the proposal. That imbalance, born from limited capacity, not ill intent, helped create confusion.

And that’s the common thread between Proposition 1 and the RFA: a negative discussion, powered by limited local reporting and social media algorithms that amplify emotional scepticism, grew in the absence of steady, contextual information. Confusion became the common voter experience, and in low-turnout elections, confusion is fatal.

What we need is clarity.

I generally appreciate news coverage. I’m not someone who gets angry every time a reporter writes something that makes a campaign uncomfortable. But we have to be honest about something: in a community with shrinking traditional media, campaigns still spend money on mailers and consultants and ads. But aren’t investing in the thing that makes campaigns possible in the first place: local media.

There’s been a lot of talk about how much the Prop 1 campaign spent on signature collection and basic campaign work. But how can complex, structural policy changes succeed when there isn’t a consistent media presence helping the public understand them? A community cannot hold informed elections without informed voters, and voters don’t have the time or energy to attend every meeting, read through every governing document, or fact-check every post on Facebook. That’s what journalism is for.

Which brings us back to The Stranger. It is only one outlet in a city that still has a relatively healthy Seattle Times. KUOW spends a significant amount of airtime on Seattle politics. Smaller niche outlets like PubliCola and The Urbanist also contribute to the political conversation. But for capturing the mood and narrative arc of Seattle politics, The Stranger is uniquely powerful, not because it is perfectly neutral, but because it is present, consistent, and willing to frame debates with a point of view.

In Thurston County, with so few journalists, coverage is often reactive. Journalism focuses on the easiest available material: summaries of meetings, recaps of official statements, and the occasional story on a high-profile incident. There isn’t enough capacity for the proactive, explanatory reporting necessary to unpack something like a Workers Bill of Rights. And when a reporter tries to be fair in that environment, “balance” can easily look like “There’s a real debate here,” even when one side is working with a year-long head start fueled by fear, confusion, and online misinformation.

Without sustained reporting, balance becomes ambiguity. And ambiguity becomes a “No” vote.

The absence of robust journalism means our community lacks the civic infrastructure necessary for democratic decision-making. The cost of a policy failing, of housing going unaddressed, fire services going unfunded, worker protections never advancing, is far higher than the cost of supporting journalism that helps voters understand what’s at stake in the first place.

If campaigns can’t count on local media to provide that clarity, then some of that investment needs to shift. Local media is not optional. It is foundational civic infrastructure. Until we treat it that way, we will keep re-running the same story: big ideas, complex policies, passionate campaigns, and a confused electorate that never gets the chance to truly understand the choice.

It matters how we talk to each other, but it matter more where we talk to each other

Recently, I came across three interesting, overlapping stories about how government communicates with us. Each highlights tensions between joy, seriousness, and the incentives built into social media.

1. During the 2025 legislative session, the House Democratic Caucus (HDC) developed content described as having a “man on the street” perspective. The Legislative Ethics Board recently ruled against it.

Examples include:

  • March 17, 2025: A post featuring Rep. Zahn asked, “What music pumps you up?”
  • January 24, 2025: A post directed to Rep. Leavitt asked, “What is your go-to coffee order or snack during session?”
  • January 24, 2025: The caucus asked several legislators, “Describe your district in three words.”

These posts, along with others highlighting personal journeys, were criticized in a complaint suggesting these “puff pieces” were more appropriate for campaign materials than official social media posts. The Board concluded that the posts violated state rules on the use of public resources for campaign purposes because they lacked a legislative nexus.

Here we see a small example of harmless, joyful content being shut down simply because it was in the wrong bucket.

2. Meanwhile, the Center Square took a highly critical, detail-heavy approach toward similar content developed by the state Attorney General’s office. At first glance, the video was actually fun. Yet the criticism focused on the AG “wasting time” on a light-hearted video while other office issues demanded attention. It’s almost like the NFL cracking down on harmless end-zone celebrations: nobody is hurt, it’s just joy.

The broader lesson is that on official government channels, we’re expected to be serious and not have fun. This expectation exists despite the consistently creative, people-focused work the Department of Transportation produces every week.

3. By contrast, other officials use the cloak of “unofficial” channels to abandon even the pretense of harmless fun. State Representative Joel McEntire’s Facebook activity illustrates this clearly. While he previously claimed an unauthorized party ran a Twitter account in his name, he now openly manages his personal Facebook page.

Occasionally, he posts serious political content, but more often he engages in highly partisan and aggressive behavior, echoing the divisive rhetoric seen at the federal level. This includes ad hominem attacks, inflammatory comments (like suggesting a political opponent “needs to burn”), and calls for a boycott of a community activist’s business. One target, local activist and business owner Kyle Wheeler, recalled McEntire calling him a “pansy boy” and “delicate flower boy” in 2024—even while acknowledging Wheeler’s community work.

McEntire’s self-proclaimed “unofficial” page status, along with his title of “Chief of Mischief,” has allowed ethics complaints to be dismissed, since the Legislative Ethics Board lacks jurisdiction over personal accounts. Yet his behavior has drawn public criticism, including from a self-identified Republican who called it “childish insults” and an “embarrassment.”

How do we let ourselves be free?

These are small examples in Washington State, but they illustrate a broader trend: social media algorithms giving us different social incentives, and our institutions are not equipped to respond. The decline of local journalism, combined with attention-maximizing algorithms, means our online environments amplify the worst content.

As much as I respect the Project on Civic Health’s efforts to encourage civility, it’s not enough to ask people to control their own behavior. Smoking cessation is one thing; addressing the industry that created the addiction is something else entirely. Social media is designed to maximize attention, often at the expense of civility and community. People like McEntire are using these platforms exactly as intended: stoking outrage, drawing attention, and triggering the emotional rewards built into the system.

Real-world communities thrive on politeness, modesty, and small gestures of mutual care. Online platforms operate in almost the opposite way: they reward conflict, outrage, and self-promotion, which amplifies hate and division. This environment contributes to rising loneliness, anxiety, and mental distress, especially among young people.

Social media can be addictive, much like tobacco, and increased use correlates with worse mental health. Platforms are designed to keep users engaged, making regulation and conscious limits essential to prevent long-term harm.

I’ve been critical of school districts that adopt phone-free policies under the guise of student mental health when the real goal is classroom control. If schools were serious about the impacts of social media, they would ensure their own communications teams weren’t actively posting on spaces that are demonstrably harmful. They have not.

And there’s a reason for this: that is where the people are. We are trapped in a system where some people are finger-wagged for being “not serious” on official channels, while others are incentivized to be the worst versions of themselves on unofficial channels because it works. Meanwhile, serious communicators are stuck posting on platforms that reward outrage.

Kelly Stonelake captures this trap very well here.

The network effects are real. We can’t leave until enough of our actual friends, people we love, leave first. I’ve experienced this myself. I put Meta platforms on pause earlier this year, but returned because of the deaths of two men in my life and the need to connect with people during my mourning period. I could not fulfill my duties as a friend without the platform and the network. And now, I’m even raising money for Movember there because I couldn’t find another way to do it.

A step forward

One thing government could do is explore self-hosted, ActivityPub-powered social media. This idea had some momentum but seems to have stalled. Technically, it’s straightforward, and a handful of governments have experimented with it.

The first step in countering harmful network effects is to build a new network. Putting official government communication on a platform that no corporation can ever own is a vital first step toward reclaiming civility, community, and public trust.

Because yes, it really does matter how we talk to each other.

When enshittification comes for your town

This started as a simple essay about why we shouldn’t be diving headfirst into the black hole of a “link tax” to fund journalism.

So let’s start there: link taxes are bad policy.

Especially when considering the alternative, a digital ad tax that funds journalism. I would write a straight-up op-ed about how link taxes are a disaster and digital ad taxes are a cleaner, smarter fix. But then, as I wrote it, this essay kind of veered off course.

We haven’t considered a link tax in Washington, but a lot of the rhetoric around our journalism funding has adopted link tax framing. Oregon is considering a link tax, though. And California just showed how the link tax debate can derail any hope of actually shifting money from digital platforms to journalism.

Link taxes prop up platforms. They accept the smug assumption that platforms benefit from real journalism, and therefore should be forced to pay for linking to it. In the era of Shrimp Jesus and AI-generated sludge, Mark Zuckerberg doesn’t need your 3,000-word explainer on the local government budget crisis. He just needs eyeballs, clicks, and outrage.

A digital ad tax, on the other hand, is like a sin tax. It exists whether or not Facebook will allow users to link to news reporting. If you’re a smart marketer, you’re buying ads from Meta, Google, or some massive programmatic ad exchange. These companies have systematically cut new publishers out of the ad revenue stream, building ad empires that strip-mine value from communities that once supported journalism.

They don’t need to link to journalism to pay, they pay because their business model is the problem. And with a tax, we can peel off a sliver of that revenue to buy pizza for reporters. Or, you know, pay their actual wages. Or, and here’s where it gets interesting, fund moderators of online forums.

This is where the essay went sideways. I started thinking about how we got here.

For years after about 2008 or so, people who made money writing things contorted themselves trying to perform well in the social newsfeed. We all did it, even the newspapers. We started chasing clicks from social platforms, hoping they would translate into eyeballs, and in the case of news publishers, ad revenue. All the while, the social platforms were building ad empires. So it’s pretty ironic now to hear that social platforms “stole” content, when the very same newsrooms were hiring social media engagement specialists to crack the newsfeed algorithm to go viral.

We messed up. We poured energy into platforms that contribute nothing to our communities. My particular sin? Facebook and the death of Olyblog.

In my case, the biggest victim of the Facebook newsfeed was Olyblog. It launched 20 years ago as a hyperlocal community blog, the kind of thing that would now exist as a Facebook group or maybe a subreddit. It thrived from 2005 to 2008, then imploded in a mix of interpersonal drama and everyone just migrating to Facebook. The traffic to Olyblog fell through the floor two years after Facebook opened to the broader public and revised the news feed to become most like what it is today.

These days, I’m basically off Facebook. I’ve iced both my Instagram and Facebook accounts, no new posts, only logging in when absolutely necessary. I was disappointed that more people didn’t bail when Facebook took its latest nosedive earlier this year.

Over the past four years, I’ve been in the trenches of a local fight against election disinformation. I’ve also spent a lot of time thinking about what I put into the world, and I chose to cut harmful, algorithmic media out of my life. That meant not engaging on Facebook, even when it was the easiest option. In balance, I’ve moved to Bluesky, Mastodon, and an RSS feed reader. But microblogging is not a replacement for community blogs or Facebook groups.

So the band plays on. I was disappointed when a new crop of Democratic Party organizers in Thurston County launched yet another Facebook group. But really, I’m not disappointed in them. I’m disappointed that this is still the only viable option for online organizing. I didn’t offer to do the hard work of building an alternative, so I can’t fault them. But I can recognize the gap between the world I want and the world we live in.

In Thurston County, Facebook is where the people are. But it’s a toxic place, one that encourages content that enrages rather than content that solves problems.

Cory Doctorow talks about this process as “enshittification,” how digital platforms gradually turn against every user group they once courted, until we’re all stuck. They ratchet up the costs of leaving until we feel like we can’t go because everyone else is still there.

That’s exactly what’s happened here. Traditional media has been gutted by market forces and corporate consolidation. What’s left is small, siloed audiences mostly hanging out on Facebook. KGY doesn’t really do news anymore, but I remember when Doug Adamson was standing on the back of a truck, mic in hand, giving live updates during a May Day protest. Now, the Olympian is down to a skeleton crew. Meanwhile, the Thurston County Scanner Facebook page pumps out crime updates to a captive Facebook-only audience and pulls better metrics than anyone else around. But because it lives entirely on Facebook, it’s at the mercy of the algorithm.

Anyway, hard pivot, let’s get back to the digital ad tax.

Washington State actually passed one this year. It might get challenged in court (like Maryland’s did), and it doesn’t have any earmarked spending. The money just drops into the general fund. But if it survives, and if we can steer that revenue toward something meaningful, we need to think beyond just giving grants to newsrooms.

Don’t get me wrong, local journalism absolutely deserves public support. But there’s also a growing need to support local online communities that aren’t traditional news outlets.

Think of these online spaces like we think of libraries.

Take Front Porch Forum in New England. Or New_Public’s Local Lab, which is building an open-source platform for healthier town-based online spaces, alternatives to the rage-fueled mess of Facebook Groups and Nextdoor. Their goal is to support and pay local “stewards” to manage these communities. Move beyond toxic algorithms. Highlight high-quality local content. Create sustainable, public-good platforms.

We share ourselves and our lives online for free. We absolutely need more professional journalists reporting on local issues. But we also need to reclaim the connective power of the internet from the corporations that have hijacked it.

A digital ad tax is like taxing cigarettes. Algorithmic ad tech is sucking money out of Olympia and funneling it into corporations that don’t care about our community. Just skimming a little off the top could fund reporters, build home-grown platforms, and pay community moderators.

Olyroads.com, certainly bigger nerds than I am

Their response, certainly parsing it more than I did. Point taken though:

It appears you’re describing the differece between a native app (compiled and installed on a device) compared to hybrid and web apps. All three as classified as mobile apps. Wikipedia describes a mobile app as “…software which can be used on a mobile device. It also refers to the creation of special web and applications for mobile devices.”

Many of Google’s mobile apps are web apps running in web browsers on mobile devices, and Apple has a large collection of web apps on their website. Of course, Apple has popularized native apps and focus all their energy on their App Store, which only contains native apps which they can monetize better than web apps. But it wouldn’t be accurate to say web apps cannot be mobile apps.

Olympia Roads was designed specificially to be used on mobile devices and was first released for the iPhone. Then it was modified to become a website. No further development is planned at this point since it serves the purpose it was designed for, but there may be enhancements in the future based on user feedback and the number of people utilizing the app. Let us know if you have any suggestions or ideas for improving OlympiaRoads.com and maybe we’ll decide more development is in order.

Thanks, and take care!

– Olympia Roads Team

Who are these guys, though?

Olyroads.com, a really decent try

During the snow storm last week, someone (not the city) put up olyroads.com and olympiaroads.com, which showed weather related road closures across town. It seems to be a simple trick of pulling information from olympiawa.gov and republishing it on a mobile friendly website, but its interesting enough.

Aside from calling it the wrong thing (its not a mobile app, its a mobile friendly web page), it does show the need for some services that in a very simple way and on a local level, let you know what is going on out there. I sent an email to their contact address, asking if they were thinking of branching out into other road related information (construction updates).

One thing does bug me, there’s no information about who set the site up. No name on the site itself, no name on the email I got, and the domain registration is anonymous as far as I can tell. That’s weird.

Look at this cool thing, you can embed city of Olympia council meetings now

I’m mostly posting this because I think its exciting that the city of Olympia’s vendor finally caught up and now allows you to not only embed city council videos, but choose where you want the video to start. This is something little old TVW has been doing for a couple of years now, but I’m glad the vendor folks have caught up.

For some reason, this embedding thing seems to be working here and not over at Olyblog, which is a shame, because I think there will be more people interested in watching these clips over there.

And, if you’re really interested in this particular topic, read Janine Gate’s blog. She’s good.


Get Microsoft Silverlight

Notes and links for “Olympia Journalism Club”

Over at Olyblog, a question from Chad Akins seemed to have reignited the hyperlocal journalism fire with some of us. At least to the point of some folks getting together next Sunday afternoon.

I’ve been pondering the creation of something like this proto-group for a few months now, thinking about the examples from Clay Shirky’s “Cognitive Surplus,” about how local groups (Dogtown for example) can help sharpen skills and projects.

Not sure I can make the actual meeting yet, but I at least wanted to put together some thoughts and notes:

  • Thad Curtz has always talked about putting together a wiki on local issues. This core group would seem like a natural starting point for a project like that. It would take a long while to get going, but I think we’d eventually fill it out and keep it updated.
  • The Leeds Community News hub seems like an interesting project to emulated. Interesting, though, they seem to have some institutional support from the Guardian. 
  • Lakewood United and North Mason County Voice are groups that bring speakers in to talk about local issues. Seems like an interesting model to emulate, if we could do it. Especially if we made it a podcast as well.
  • Here’s my old list of “beats” that I posted on Olyblog almost three years ago (three years to the day this group will be meeting). Still pretty relevant, should be adding things to the list.
  • Here’s a small side project I’ve been working on, the Briggs Villager, a neighborhood based project for where I live now. Haven’t really launched it yet, but I’m getting there and just thought I’d share the link.

Skills, skills, skills. The more I think about it, the more I think that this group should be about sharing tips and tricks for people who want to do this sort of thing, but don’t have the chops. Little trainings on how to record and set up a podcast, how to find the information you’re looking for, how to conduct an interview or write a decent post.

So, in my mind, the group would have two purposes: teach skills and provide a place for collaboration and sharing.

Olympia Time, where did it die?

It didn’t, but I thought I’d give myself the same treatment I gave Olyforums here.

I haven’t been blogging recently and I never explained why, so if anyone was worried, I apologize. But, I’m going to assume that most of the people who read this blog either also follow my twitter feed or are friends on facebook, so they know I’m not totally gone.

But, I have been blogging, but in another capacity. I started up Informed Community, a blog that I will hopefully carry forward in the role of a trustee of the Timberland Regional Library. I’ve applied for the position (I don’t know yet when the Thurston County commissioners will appoint someone), but I’ve decided to put my blogging where my mouth was.

Since I’ve started talking to elected officials in person, I’ve always berated them on their lack of social media presence. So, hopefully, in my new role as a (not elected, but still) public official, I’ll be able to show what I’ve been babbling about for years.

Which if all goes well, will also mean less time blogging here and at other places. But, feel free to email me, follow me on twitter (which I’ll hope I can keep up) and read my library stuff.

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